Can the Roadmap Break the Deadlock?

• Gopal Thakur

Since the Delhi trip of the Nepali foreign minister, hot discussions and speculations are high regarding the so-called four-point roadmap. The roadmap said to have tendered to the Indian counterpart includes amendments in demarcations of the provinces; such amendments be forwarded to address the ongoing Madhesh movement; demarcations be revised on the basis of all party consensus within three months through a political committee; and confusions seen in citizenship provisions be clarified in the constitution.

The four point resolution speculated to have been forwarded to the Delhi trip of the leadership of the United Democratic Madheshee Front.

Meanwhile, the Oli cabinet has recently made a three-point bottom-line to build up a consensus with the agitating Madheshee parties, especially with the foresaid Front. The three point government decisions include assurance of proportional inclusive participation and demarcation of electoral constituencies on the basis of population except minimum one seat at a district; provincial demarcations be revised on the basis of the report by a political machinery after a political consensus; and the demands including citizenship provisions be addressed on the basis of dialogues and discussions.

Following the three-point Nepali cabinet decisions, Government of India has welcomed it and has also been quoted to have given green signals to the Nepali rulers to go ahead as well as to have guided the Madheshee Front leaders to reach a consensus. In addition to this, the Nepali and Indian media too are also seen forecasting speedy solutions to the problems. They all are sounding high that the Madhesh movements are about to end. Is it so?

Going through the so-called four-point proposal tendered to the Government of India and the three-point Oli cabinet decisions, one cannot get any change in the imperialist-colonialist mentality of the Khas-Gorkhali rulers in Nepal. They are the ones who have signed 22-point agreement in 2007 and 8-point agreement in 2008 with Madheshees. The two agreements are the foundations of national identity based federalism and formation of whole Madhesh as a single province. But the genetically crooked Khas-Gorkhali rulers have turned a hundred and eighty degree back off the two agreements. This is the root-cause of the ongoing third Madhesh movement.

If the written agreements they can throw into a dust-bin, who can trust they abide by their own roadmap tendered one-sidedly? If they are ready to amend the constitution on the basis of a political machinery report within three months now onward, why did they not prolong discussions for a few weeks in this regard before promulgating the constitution? If the three month bounced cheque was to accept, why has the United Democratic Madheshee Front staged the agitation that reached fifth month with martyrdom of dozens of Madheshees? There might be much more queries raised on the mentality of the imperialist rulers and pseudo-critic Madheshee leaders. But this is not the time of blaming each other, rather we should analyze the situations realistically and further the future steps.

Let’s analyze the situation critically. Madhesh is a nation and Nepal is a pluri-national state. Then why can Madheshees accept chopping their homeland into pieces following an agreement already reached for whole Madhesh as a single province. But we see the Madheshee front has already stepped back for two provinces in Madhesh whereas the colonialist rulers are dead against even to do so. Furthermore, they have even not hesitated to encroach Madheshee territories with hills and mountains and now they are telling they cannot refrain from Jhapa, Morang, Sunsari, Kailali and Kanchanpur for Madhesh at any cost. Moreover, the Madheshee Front has also stopped raising question about Chitwan.

Likewise, the demarcation of electoral constituency in the name of district representation is also an ill mindset. There was not any notion of maintaining district as unit of the federalism in Nepal. Contrarily, there were provisions of autonomous, protected and special regions within a province. But treading on such consensus, the rulers have continued the district level units as continuity of the Mahendriya feudal concept of administrative units of a unitary state system. Furthermore, 52 percent of the total population of the Gorkha Empire live in Madhesh within 23 percent of the geographical territory. Then how can Madhesh accept less representation in the name of district?

Likewise, the provision of citizenship is also much more reactionary with regard to Madhesh. Now it is crystal clear that the ousted kings, Ranas and all Khas-Gorkha rulers have very short history of living in Nepal. Moreover, Madhav Nepal, Krishna Pd. Bhattarai, Tulsi Giri, Koirala brothers and others too; are all non-Nepali citizens but they have become prime minister of the country. But they have attempted to bar Madheshees from availing naturalized citizenship to their female in-laws in the name of federal law in accordance with Article 11(6). Moreover, those who have acquired naturalized citizenship all will be incapable of exercising state affairs with constitutional designations in accordance with Article 289. There must be equality between citizens by descent and the naturalized citizens matrimonially.

Regarding the proportional inclusive representation, it is still dubious how Madheshees be included in army and bureaucracy where they are completely outside from. So, there must be absolute proportional representation of all Madheshees with group entry in army and bureaucracy and other bodies too, if the state be called the homeland of all those live in Nepal.

But the ill mindset of the imperialist rulers are complete sceptical to do so. So, the outcome can never be expected positive. Firstly the ongoing movement can get no logical destination. Secondly if it is subsided by any means, the further movements be raised and if so, it will not be for adjustment of federalism but for right to national self-determination of Madhesh with complete sovereignty.

Birganj-14, Parsa

December 23, 2015